Turkey’s government reasserted control Saturday with a wave of mass arrests after a failed coup left more than 250 people dead, in fast-moving developments that may result in more power being concentrated in President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s hands.
Military commanders loyal to the government finished mopping up the remaining rebels at armed forces headquarters in Ankara on Saturday afternoon, the state-run Anadolu news agency said. Prime Minister Binali Yildirim said on television that more than 2,800 members of the military had been detained as part of an investigation into the coup attempt.
Parliament, which lawmakers refused to leave overnight as it was bombarded, convened an extraordinary session, saying in a resolution that any coup attempt would face its iron will.
Saturday evening, thousands answered calls by Messrs. Erdogan and Yildirim to show their support for the government by again taking to the streets in public rallies, including in Istanbul’s central Taksim Square.
The identities of those in charge of the takeover attempt, or how many remained alive, remained unclear, though details on some who allegedly took part began to emerge. At least 104 alleged coup plotters were killed in security operations, according to Turkish officials, while 161 others—including civilians, police and troops—died in events related to the coup.
Random “walls of kindness” have been popping up in different cities in Iran.
What are walls of kindness?
Well, they’re really just random walls where people hang coats and warm clothes for homeless people to use during the cold winter. According to the BBC, these walls also have the words “if you don’t need it, leave it. If you need it, take it” written next to it.
The concept is so simple anyone can easily set up their own “wall of kindness” in their own city.
With more than 100 million homeless people in the world, we should all take a page out of Iran’s book and start doing something to help.
The History & Evolution of the Hijab in Iran
The concept of modest clothing has undoubtedly changed over time.As such, the shifts in clothing practices can be studied in order to understand thesociety of that time.As issues such as women’s rights and equality have become more andmore mainstream throughout the years, the question of the hijab has suddenlyfound itself being thrust into the spotlight, used as proof of the lack of emancipation of women in non-western and normally Islamic countries.
Perhaps this confusion stems from the interpretation of a handful of clerics, theologians and fundamentalists who state that the veiling of women is part of the Islamic doctrine. These so-called learned men base their arguments on their interpretation of the Qur’an, Syariah and the teachings of the prophet Muhammad.
According to some of them, women should only leave the protection of their houses when necessary and should never be seen by another man without covering herself with loose garments.While Muslims believe that the Qur’an is divine, constant and free from error, laws contained in the Qur’an are open to interpretation and as a result, may vary according to the country it is studied in. The insidious nature of social attitudes is such that those interpreting the Qur’an and the Shariah will most definitely be influenced by the norms and attitudes of the time. Hence, the egalitarian rules and laws for and about women as laid down in the Qur’an and Shariah can be twisted and manipulated in order to maintain the hierarchy of the sexes.In truth, Muslim women are not required to cover themselves up from head to toe. All that Islam requires is for both men and women to “lower their gaze and guard their modesty…” For many outsiders, these perceived restraints on the individual are a form of repression and oppression. Quite oppositely,many Muslim women look at the hijab or any type of veiling as a form of (feminist) statement.
The practice of veiling predates Islam by hundreds of years and can be traced as far back as ancient Greece. Clearly, this proves that veiling is not an Islamic ideology, rather, a cultural one. When the niece of the Prophet’s wife
Aishah Binti Abu Bakr was asked by her husband Musab to veil her face, sheanswered, "Since the Almighty hath put on me the stamp of beauty, it is my wishthat the public should view the beauty and thereby recognized His grace unto them. On no account, therefore, will I veil myself.”During the second Islamic century, the veil and the forced seclusion at home of women came to signify high status. If a woman was able to stay at home, this meant that her family had enough means for her not to have to go out and find work. However, this does not apply to everywhere in the Islamic world. As Anatolia (in present day Turkey) was conquered by the Muslim Turks in the fourteenth century, Ibn Batutta expressed his fascination upon observingun veiled women, “Not only royal ladies but also wives of merchants and common people…”.
Nonetheless, by end of the twenty first century, the veiling of women suddenly came to represent repression, oppression and misogyny. The roots of which were probably planted by the first interactions between Western culture and the Other. The West took it upon themselves to advance the status of the Other women and the only way of achieving this was to make them abandon their native customs. This misconception was further aggravated by the misguided idea that the only true model of women’s liberation is the Western form of feminism
Aragh Sagi (or Araq Sagi) is a type of distilled alcoholic beverage in Iran which contains at least 45% pure ethanol. It is usually produced at home from raisins. Its production and possession by ordinary citizens is considered illegal in Iran by the ruling fascists (which is the case for all alcoholic beverages). Prior to 1979 revolution in Iran - which eventually lead to the formation of a fascist dictatorship - this product had been produced traditionally in several cities of Iran.
Since it was outlawed after 1979, it became a black market and underground business. Today, Aragh Sagi is widely considered a cheap alcoholic beverage that consumers choose due to lack of other available options. Such laws only relate to the poor and those who oppose the fascists. Richer connected pro-regime people (in the fascist government and with links to them) enjoy more refined types of alcohol with a blind eye turned to this by the authorities. Christians can legally make and drink it too.
Aragh (also arak) generically refers to a set of aromatic liquids that are produced by distillation from herbs and seeds, for example mint or anise. Alcoholic aragh is produced from raisins. Aragh-e Sagi literally "doggy arak" from sag = dog in Persian) is a purer and stronger sort of Iranian arak distilled from raisins but without anise.
Aragh khori, or the Persian drinking session, requires certain rites and rituals usually dictated by the region and the position and age of the participants. Generally speaking, however, the proceedings include considerations for the distributor the drink, the size and quality of the cups, the participants' turn to drink, and the toasting ceremony
If you’re driving in Tehran, try to put out of your mind everything you’ve ever learned about road rules – none of it applies here. Out of a basic instinct for survival you’ll soon assimilate to the lawless aggression of the locals and be driving with 100% attention – and 180-degree vision – at all times.
One adrenalin-inducing way to get across town in a hurry is on a motorcycle taxi. You’ll see them loitering on corners all over town, though the corner of Jomhuri-ye Eslami Ave and Ferdosi St is a good place to look for one going north. They cost as much as taxis but take half the time. Good luck!
Buses cover virtually all of Tehran, but as they’re often crowded and slow, most travellers end up using taxis. Buses run from roughly 6am until 10pm or 11pm, finishing earlier on Friday and public holidays. Tickets cost slightly more than nothing – IR200. You buy them from ticket booths near bus stops or at bus terminals, and then give them to the driver when you board the bus.
Buses normally travel from one local bus terminal to another, so you may need to take more than one. Major bus departure points you might use include Imam Khomeini Sq, from where buses go in all directions; the terminal on the opposite side of Imam Khomeini Ave from the National Museum of Iran, for the west; Arzhantin, Vanak and Valiasr Sqs, for the north; Azadi Sq, for further west; and Rah-Ahan Sq, for the far south.
Buses never show their destinations in English and numbering is inconsistent. However, if you ask at the station or bus stop, you’ll be pointed to the right bus. Some handy routes going north–south include Arzhantin Sq to Tajrish Sq; Imam Khomeini Sq to Arzhantin Sq; Imam Khomeini Sq to Tajrish Sq; and Valiasr Sq to Tajrish Sq.
Private bus companies began operating in 2006, with newer, more comfortable and faster buses for a flat IR1000 cash fare. Azadi Sq to Tajrish was the first route, and expect more.
One such sector is Iran’s automotive industry. Iran is the Middle East’s biggest car producer. Its car industry, comprised of companies such as the Bahman Group, Iran Khodro and Saipa, ranks 13th in the world for total production and 5th in the world in terms of fastest growth. With annual production at 1.6 million vehicles, Iran’s automotive industry accounts for 10 percent of Iranian GDP. And with official oil sales dwindling as a consequence of sanctions, the car industry’s importance to regime revenues is rising.
There are two reasons why Iranian cars – a basic middle class commodity that might normally not pose any proliferation concern – should in fact be sanctioned.
First, both technology and raw materials for car production can be dual-use. Increasingly, it appears that Iranian carmakers’ vast overseas procurement network is being used to supply the nuclear and missile programs.
And second, the car industry is an avenue for profit to Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, religious foundations, and political elite, who remain the car industry’s main shareholders, and who channel the revenues to finance the regime’s proliferation activities.
A recent Washington Post investigation of MCS International is a clear example of the dangers. From 2003 to 2011, this Iranian-owned factory in Germany produced gas cylinders for hybrid cars. But the factory also offered access to dual-use technology for Iran’s nuclear designs.
That included carbon fiber and hardened steel – key components of Iran’s second generation nuclear enrichment centrifuges. It also had sophisticated machinery in its inventory, which can be used both to make cylinders and manufacture centrifuges.
According to company papers, Iran’s car industry companies and personnel were directly involved in owning and managing the factory. Behind them lurked sanctioned entities, known proliferators, Iran’s ministry of intelligence, and the nuclear program’s custodians – Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.
A joint venture of German fronts for Iran’s Bahman Group and Rey Investment bought the near-bankrupt factory in 2003. They appointed a dual Iranian-German national who at the same time managed IKCO Trading GmbH, Iran Khodro’s German subsidiary, as managing director
